Would you like some Politics with your Tea?

During the Delhi elections, the incumbent Congress Party unleashed a dazzling ad blitz in celebration of its ‘achievements’ on behalf of the people. It was a colossal failure, perhaps because it played out as straightforwardly tone deaf, instead of learning the more complex art of successful issue-appropriation from the corporate giants. Thomas Crowley turns his laser focus on the tricks of this hypocritical trade.


Shortly before the state elections in Delhi, the interiors of the city’s Metro trains were suddenly plastered with advertisements promoting the achievements of fifteen years of Congress party rule. Of course, the spic-and-span Metro system was touted in the ads, but so was just about every topical issue: healthcare, education, women’s empowerment, the environment, infrastructure, and so on. Following this ad blitz, the Congress Party released a slick three-minute music video, featuring a theme song written for the occasion by poet Prasoon Joshi. The video was titled Nahin Rukegi, Nahin Rukegi meri Dilli, a line sung ad nauseam throughout the music video by auto- rickshaw drivers, construction workers, college students, morning joggers and citizens of all creeds. This is interspersed with shots of (now former) Chief Minister Sheila Dikshit walking through adoring crowds, with aids pushing bystanders out of the way so she can pass through.

Congress sought to portray itself as a kind, paternalistic presence, bestowing gifts from above on a rapt, dependent populace. The huddling masses, as it turned out, were not so meek, fed up as they were with the rising prices and multicrore scandal, after scandal. Ms. Dikshit famously underestimated Arvind Kejriwal and the Aam Aadmi Party, at one point saying, “Kejriwal…who?” Of course, she was then defeated by him in a humiliating fashion, losing by more than 20,000 votes.

On a national scale, Congress – through the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting – had released a series of ads, both on radio and on TV, celebrating the ‘the India story.’ These ads feature a cheerful, well-heeled woman named Priya, who has a superhuman love for Congress policies and a seemingly infinite amount of time on her hands. She helps her aunt register for an Aadhaar card, makes sure the same aunt is getting her Direct Benefits Transfer, and chides a ration store owner (who has a mysterious respect for her) because he is not following the provisions of the Food Security Bill. In the most gag-inducing of these ads, Priya – who is apparently an industrialist or at least a negotiator for some industry – approaches farmers whose land is being sold and converted into an industrial zone. The farmers are painfully deferential and joyful that the government (embodied by Priya) has given them such a generous amount of money for their land. In hindsight, it’s easy to see the flaws in these ads and their essential tone-deafness. Like Sheila Dikshit, the star of the video, the Congress advertisments resolutely refuse to recognise the new political mood in the capital city and beyond. Congress sought to portray itself as a kind, paternalistic presence, bestowing gifts from above on a rapt, dependent populace. The huddling masses, as it turned out, were not so meek, fed up as they were with the rising prices and multi-crore scandal, after scandal. Ms. Dikshit famously underestimated Arvind Kejriwal and the Aam Aadmi Party, at one point saying, “Kejriwal…who?” Of course, she was then defeated by him in a humiliating fashion, losing by more than 20,000 votes.

Corporate houses have been a bit savvier than the Congress party when it comes to reading the national mood. Judging by their advertising campaigns, they have been following the growing anti-corruption movement with interest. As part of Tata Tea’s Jaago Re campaign, the company released an ad featuring cool young men nonchalantly guilt-tripping a nervous businessman who is about to bribe a politician. On a more extravagant scale, Greenlam Laminates produced a full-scale music video, based on the premise that if Parliament is decorated more beautifully (perhaps using Greenlam Laminates), politicians will begin to behave in a more noble, beautiful way. This particular ad was created by the global advertising giant McCann, which has the Orwellian credo ‘Truth well told.’ Like the Congress music video, Greenlam’s ad has a huge cast and a high production value, but unlike its Congress counterpart, it hits all the right notes, both musically and thematically.

On a more extravagant scale, Greenlam Laminates produced a full-scale music video, based on the premise that if Parliament is decorated more beautifully (perhaps using Greenlam Laminates), politicians will begin to behave in a more noble, beautiful way. This particular ad was created by the global advertising giant McCann, which has the Orwellian credo ‘Truth well told.’

Perhaps it would be in poor taste to point out that big companies have been the beneficiaries of many of Congress’ scams, and that capitalising on anti-corruption sentiment while quietly benefiting from corruption seems – well, entirely typical of the seaminess of the advertising industry. Marketers are adept at this kind of symbolic jujitsu. If people desire a corruption-free India, then well, let’s make a pretty advertisement about it, while not-so-subtly promoting our unrelated product.

But it’s not just advertisements about corruption; there are much deeper links between corporations – the marketing industry and the entertainment industry, for example – and the political world. This election cycle we have seen the whole interconnected web of relations, as random connections between these sectors come into shape to create a sordid network. Let’s start here: Aamir Khan, much praised for his insertion of politically-oriented moralistic melodrama into daytime television, gives an interview on NDTV praising the Aam Aadmi Party. This is the same Aamir Khan who was a poster boy for Coca-Cola, and whose advertisements for the beverage giant aimed to assuage fears about pesticides in Coke. (NDTV, incidentally, has teamed up with the evil mining giant Vedanta for a CSR campaign, with Priyanka Chopra as brand ambassador.)

Proceeding to the next example: last October, Maruti Suzuki partnered with The Times of India to promote the ‘I Lead India, Right to Information Day’, hoping to raise awareness of Right to Information (RTI) legislation. But what information, exactly, does a newspaper like The Times of India champion? Advertorials and paid news? Stressing the importance of information seems an odd strategy for a company whose managing director has bluntly said, “We are not in the newspaper business, we are in the advertising business.”

And, of course, Maruti Suzuki, a company whose brutal repression of its workers was conveniently ignored by the mainstream media, has been more than happy to join in this campaign. One of the full page ads for the RTI Day, with a prominent Maruti Suzuki logo, had the tagline, ‘You don’t have to revolt to start a revolution.’ What a perfect expression of corporate attempts to co-opt the language of radical movements, while discouraging any action that could potentially undermine corporate power. The fear of real revolution in this slogan is almost palpable. The RTI Day, incidentally, followed on the heels of the risible ‘Compassion Day’, which sought to channel middle-class guilt and convince the privileged to help their maids, drivers etc…to open bank accounts and go to the doctor. Of course, this effort was sponsored by banks, insurance companies, private hospitals, and so on. To continue the connections, the RTI Day was organised with the support of the National Campaign for People’s Right to Information, in which Arvind Kejriwal was once a devoted activist. He has moved on to bigger and better things, of course. Whatever the faults of the man and his party (and there’s certainly plenty to criticise), at least he’s had the fortitude to take on the power distribution companies in Delhi, including, of course, Tata. And that’s much more refreshing than a hypocrisy-filled cup of Tata tea.

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